Telangana region has been ruled by many great dynasties like Sathavahanas, Chalukyas, Kakatiyas, Mughals, Qutubshahis, asafjahis. Of which the Kakathiyas impressions on architecture are found more in these days too. Sathavahanas ruled over the Telangana for about 400 years from the 2nd century B.C. to beyond the 2nd century A.D. Sathavahanas were also called Salivahanas and Satakarnis. In the 3rd century B.C., Simukha, the founder of the Sathavahana dynasty, unified the various Andhra principalities into one kingdom and became its ruler (271 B.C. — 248 B.C.).Satakarni II, the sixth ruler of the dynasty (184 B.C.) was an able ruler who extended his kingdom to the west. He ruled for a period of 56 years. Pulumavi I have brought renewed strength and glory to their kingdom. The only silver lining in this dynasty was the excellent literary work, Gathasaptasati, of Hala, the 17th Satavahana king. Dharmapuri in Karimnagar was the capital city for many years.
Among Kakathiyas , Prataparudra, grandson of Rudramamba was great ruler who succeeded his grandmother in A.D.1295 and ruled till A.D.1323. He pushed the western border of his kingdom up to Raichur. He introduced many administrative reforms. He divided the kingdom into 75 Nayakships, which was later adopted and developed by the Vijayanagara Rayas.
During the reign of Bahamani sultan Mohd Shah III, one sultan Quli Qutub, who was born at Hamadan in Persia, came to Deccan and started his career as a bodyguard of Mohd Shah. With his ability and courage he rose from one position to another till he became the Governor of Telangana, the eastren province of Bahmani kingdom.
When the Bahamani sultanate became weak, Quli Qutub became independent and formed his Qutubshahi Dynasty in 1518. From then, he devoted most of his energies in extending his frontiers of his kingdom. He took possession of part of Berar in the north, Rajkonda, Deverkonda, Gahanpura, Kovilakonda and Panagal thus brought much of Telugu speaking areas in to his possession. He defeated Sitapati of Bhogikala, and captured Bellamkonda, Indrakonda, Khammam, Warangal etc. in 1543 Jamsheed assassinated Quli Qutub.
The Golkonda fort was built by Quliqutub. His son Jamsheed became the King who was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim in 1550 .During his reign, trade and commerce flourished enormously. Telangana, like Egypt, became the Mart of the whole world. Merchants from Turkistan, Arabia and Persia used to frequent Telangana and found their trade attractive and prosperous. In his reign two tanks namely Ibrahim Pantam tank and Hussainsagar were built. He also built a bridge on river Musi, which is known as Puranapul. The Hindus of Telangana remember him for his patronage of Telugu literature. Many Telugu poets like Addanki Gangadher Kavi, Panuganti Telanganarya, Kandukuri Rudra Kavi flourished in his court. He gained goodwill among his Hindu subjects. He died in 1580, and was succeeded by his son Quli Qutub Shah.
Qutubshah shifted his capital from Golkonda to Hyderabad on the river Musi. He built the Jamia mosque at Charminar. He died in 1611. He was succeeded by his nephew Mohd. Qutubshah as he had no sons. Mohd Qutub Shah joined the confederation of Deccani powers against Moughals to stop their advance towards Deccan/South. He was a scholar and composed gazals, tarki, bunds and rubaya. He died in 1662, and was succeeded by his son-in-law Sayyed Ahmed in 1667.
At this time the Moughals annexed Ahmednagar and marched towards Golkonda. Sayyed Ahmed signed the treaty, and accepted the suzerainity of Moughal emporer Shah Jahan and agreed to pay 8 lakhs of rupees as tribute to Moughlals.
With the connivance of mirjumla the Mughal Emperor Aurgangzeb sent his son Mohd. Sultan in 1656, who besiezed Golkonda and occupied Hyderabad. However on intervention of Darashekou and Jahanara from Delhi, Aurangazeb was compelled to raise the seize on payment of one crore and to surrender Chinnoor. Later Mohd Sultan married the second daughter of Abdullah. Abdullah died in 1672 and his son-in-law Abul Hassan succeeded him. He appointed Madanna as his Prime Minister and his brother Akkanna as commander in chief. In 1687 Auragazeb again attacked Golkonda which successfully resisted -his advance. But due to treachery of Sardar Khan a high officer in the Army who opened the gate of Golkonda fort, captured the fort in 1687 and Abul Hassan was made captive. They looted the city in every street and market place where lakhs worth in cash, property, chinaware and costly carpets of aristocracy was available.
The State of Hyderabad was founded by Mir Qamruddin Chin Qilich Khan. He was the son of Aurangzeb’s general. Ghazi-ud-din Khan Feroz Jang who traced his ancestry to Abu Bakr, the first Khalifa. In 1713, six years after Aurangzeb’s death, emperor Farrukhsiyar made Mir Qamruddin Viceroy of the Deccan, with the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk Feroz Jang. Later, emperor Muhammad Shah conferred on him the title of Asaf Jah, by which title the dynasty is still known. By 1724, Mir Qamruddin had made himself virtually independent of Delhi, although he and his successors continued to profess a nominal allegiance to the Moghul emperor right up to 1858, when the British Crown assumed the governance of India.
In 1799 the Nizam aided the East India Company in the war with Tippu Sultan and after the latter’s defeat and death, the British gave a part of his territories to the Nizam. The death of Nizam All Khan and the succession of his eldest son, Sikander Jah occurred on 7 August 1803.
Sikander Jah died on 21 May 1829, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, Nasir-ud-Daula. By the Treaty of 1853, the province of Berar, along with certain districits in the Raichur Doab and on the western frontier of Hyderabad, were assigned for this purpose, their administration being taken over by British officers under the control of the Resident at Hyderabad.
By the Treaty of 1860, except for Berar, all the other districts assigned in 1853 were restored.
Mir Mahbub Ali Khan was a minor when he succeeded his father Afzal-ud-Daula on 26 February 1869.
The Hyderabad contingent with the exception of the artillery which was disbanded was delocalized and incorporated in the Indian Army, with provision for the protection of the Nizam’s dominion.
Nizam Mir Usman Ali Khan Bahadur is the seventh in the line. He succeeded to the gaddi on 29 August 1911. In 1918 the title of “is Exalted Highness” was conferred on him as a hereditary distinction. Shortly thereafter, by an autograph letter from the King, he was granted the title of ‘Faithful Ally of the British Government.’
Geographically, Hyderabad occupies a pivotal position in the heart of the country. In population, revenue and importance it was the premier State in the country. The population was nearly sixteen million and the annual revenue Rs. 26 crores. Its area was over 82,000 square miles. Hyderabad had its own coinage, paper currency and stamps. Hyderabad was treated by the British no differently from other Indian States. The right of intervention in internal affairs was repeatedly asserted and exercised.
In 1985 Reading, then Viceroy, ascertained that the sovereignty of the British Crown was supreme in India. The Viceroy pointed out that it was the right of the British Government to intervene in the internal affairs of Indian States, and that the Nizam did not stand in a category separate from that of rulers of the other Indian states.
In March 1946 the cabinet mission advised the princely states regarding the future of their merger after the formation of independent India, and separate Pakistan for Indian Muslims. This was further clarified in May 1946 referring to the lapse of paramountency and formation of federation. The congress opposed the Independent states outside the Federal Union, but the Muslim league was encouraging the states to remain Independent. Nizam of Hyderabad was under the influence of a fanatical body called Ittehadul Musulmin under Kasim Razvi, declared his intention to remain as independent state.
Soon after the announcement of His Majesty’s Government’s plan of 3 June 1947, the Nizam issued a fermaan declaring his intention not to send representatives to the Constituent Assembly of either Pakistan or India, and making it clear that on 15 August he would be entitled to resume the status of an independent sovereign. It had been his ambition to secure Dominion Status for his State, on the withdrawal of the British and treatment then henceforth as a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations. When he saw that clause 7 of the Indian Independence Bill did not permit that grant of Dominion Status to an Indian State. The Nizam sent a delegation to Delhi on 11 July headed by the Nawab of Chhatari, President of the Executive Council, to meet Lord Mountbatten.
Meanwhile, Laik Ali was pressing that the Hyderabad issue should be taken to the United Nations Organization. On 17 August, he wrote to Nehru that Hyderabad had decided to solicit the good offices of the United Nations Organization in order that the dispute between Hyderabad and India might be resolved and a peaceful and enduring settlement arrived at.
The Indian Government did not agree that Hyderabad had any right in international law to seek the intervention of the United Nations Organization or any other outside body for the settlement of the issue. And that as the Government of India regarded the Indo-Hyderabad dispute as a purely domestic one, they did not recognize the Nizam’s claim to invoke the good offices of the United Nations in that connation.
Internal Colonisation of Telangana: Selected Aspects
Historical Background
The industrial revolution in Europe, while initiating a process of intensive economic growth, generated a simultaneous demand for cheap raw materials as well as a market for expensive manufactured goods. These, the developed nations (with the exception of Russia and Japan) sought in the resource-rich but technologically backward and densely populated ‘developing countries’. To ensure the assured supply of raw materials and consumption of manufactured goods, it was imperative that they exert control which was possible through colonisation. The competitive demand soon took an exploitative colour, and each of the colonisers established their respective hegemony. The successful evolution of a new politico-economic structure of administration by Russia in the post World War I and China in the post-World War 11 period resulted in similar assertions for independence from the colonised regions. Their independence during the post-1950s, and the reluctance of ! the industrialised nations to relinquish their hold on these vast markets once again started a process of economic control with well-orchestrated economic, policies through the newly-evolved process of economic liberalisation. The neo-imperialists captured the global markets.
The industrial revolution in Europe, while initiating a process of intensive economic growth, generated a simultaneous demand for cheap raw materials as well as a market for expensive manufactured goods. These, the developed nations (with the exception of Russia and Japan) sought in the resource-rich but technologically backward and densely populated ‘developing countries’. To ensure the assured supply of raw materials and consumption of manufactured goods, it was imperative that they exert control which was possible through colonisation. The competitive demand soon took an exploitative colour, and each of the colonisers established their respective hegemony. The successful evolution of a new politico-economic structure of administration by Russia in the post World War I and China in the post-World War 11 period resulted in similar assertions for independence from the colonised regions. Their independence during the post-1950s, and the reluctance of ! the industrialised nations to relinquish their hold on these vast markets once again started a process of economic control with well-orchestrated economic, policies through the newly-evolved process of economic liberalisation. The neo-imperialists captured the global markets.
In India the anti-British stand taken by the 550 Princely States, strengthened its resolve to fight the colonial power for independence. During British rule, some of the states, under feudal administration ( Kashmir and the Deccan), resisted the transition to a united independent India even as the non-feudal states relented. The resistance in Deccan was soon forcibly quelled in what transpired as the Police Action on 13th September, 1948 under Nehru administration.
Even before the Police Action, the Telangana Armed Struggle /commenced in protest against the repressive feudal government of the Nizam in general and the atrocities of the Razakars in particular. The Armed Struggle was initiated by the badly marginalised Telangana peasants under the Congress and the Communist banners. The former’s objective was principally for regional autonomy, while the latter combined it with class struggle. This struggle gained momentum and the nation-wide move to unite actually divided the movement into two opinions – a group that wanted to join this move and another that resisted. Under Nehru’s administration, the government through suppressive and coercive action, quelled the movement until finally it withdrew. In the 1952 general elections the Congress won and B. Ramakrishna Rao was made the Chief Minister of the newly established Hyderabad State.
Meanwhile, the proposal for the formation of the States on linguistic basis was put forth and implemented. In spite of the reluctance of the Telangana people, the State of Andhra Pradesh was formed on 1st November 1956.
It may be noted here that while extra-national forces had initiated colonisation, intra-national forces had collaborated and drafted strategies of exploiting weaker regions and people. Telangana is home to a wide variety of abundant resources – extensive forests , perennial water sources for sustained irrigation and agriculture, ample coal for power development and distribution, and cheap labour. Tendu leaves are available in very large quantities for beedi-making. These factors, congenial for intensive development, failed to usher in the process of development in Telangana. The region remained underdeveloped with most of the resources under the feudal system of administration that curtailed non-elite participation, while the post -A.P. formation period policies only exacerbated the trends. This is high-lighted in the following contours of development.
Industries in Telangana
The Azamjahi Mills in Warangal, Antargami spinning mills in Karimnagar, Allwyn in Hyderabad, Nizam Sugar Factory in Nizamabad, Singareni Collieries across Adilabad, Karimnagar, Warangal and Khammam, testify to the type of industrialisation that existed. These industries were declared as Public Sector Units and initiatives to develop them were curbed. A case was built to the effect that they became dysfunctional so that this would facilitate their closure. It was propagated that the units were incurring losses , which weighed heavily on the government . It may be noted that during this period, a simultaneous effort to develop industry in coastal Andhra was relentlessly undertaken. Industries declared as futile and loss-incurring in Telangana were established. In fact the funds that ought to have been directed to initiate growth in Telangana, were siphoned off to other regions for developing similar industries discouraged in Telangana. The Hindupur spinning mills and watch ! company, the Nandyal sugar factory, the Guntur and Eluru spinning mills, were extended not adequate, but excessive incentives. Of all, only Singareni Collieries’ development is being sustained. This too merely because of its indispensability since it supports non-Telangana industries, and because it has strong resistance from the mining workers’ union. It is reported that even the profits made in the Telangana industries were transferred outside Telangana. The benefits due to backward region development in terms of subsidies have been siphoned by them. In the name of industries thousands of acres were lost to the non-Telangana people.
The Azamjahi Mills in Warangal, Antargami spinning mills in Karimnagar, Allwyn in Hyderabad, Nizam Sugar Factory in Nizamabad, Singareni Collieries across Adilabad, Karimnagar, Warangal and Khammam, testify to the type of industrialisation that existed. These industries were declared as Public Sector Units and initiatives to develop them were curbed. A case was built to the effect that they became dysfunctional so that this would facilitate their closure. It was propagated that the units were incurring losses , which weighed heavily on the government . It may be noted that during this period, a simultaneous effort to develop industry in coastal Andhra was relentlessly undertaken. Industries declared as futile and loss-incurring in Telangana were established. In fact the funds that ought to have been directed to initiate growth in Telangana, were siphoned off to other regions for developing similar industries discouraged in Telangana. The Hindupur spinning mills and watch ! company, the Nandyal sugar factory, the Guntur and Eluru spinning mills, were extended not adequate, but excessive incentives. Of all, only Singareni Collieries’ development is being sustained. This too merely because of its indispensability since it supports non-Telangana industries, and because it has strong resistance from the mining workers’ union. It is reported that even the profits made in the Telangana industries were transferred outside Telangana. The benefits due to backward region development in terms of subsidies have been siphoned by them. In the name of industries thousands of acres were lost to the non-Telangana people.
The Ramagundam and Kothagudem power plants supplied all the necessary power to meet the entire industrial and agricultural requirement of the State. Of the total power production in the State, 45 % is generated there. Although 20 % is observed to be derived from Vijayawada thermal power station, the raw material – coal is supplied from the Telangana coal belt. Thus, while, 65 – 70 % of the power generated is from the resources in Telangana, its consumption is just 20 % (of this the migrants / settlers share a large chunk ). The entire coal from Singareni was utilised by the Ramagundam station, but now with Vijayawada staking a claim, Ramagundam’s share began to decline. The transport of power is much more economical than the transport of raw material . However, in defiance of the economies of scale and factors of industrial location, the Government persists in its intent, and is unwillingness to ensure greater equity in development.
Central Government Industries
After 1947, the Government of India undertook an extensive industrialisation programme all over the country. The establishment of BHEL, ECIL, IDPL, IDL, HMT, etc., form part of this agenda. However, in defiance of the Gentlemen’s Agreement, these industries recruited 90 per cent employees from non-Telangana regions. Of the remaining 10 per cent, the employees were predominantly in the lower order occupational categories like sweepers, watchmen, security guards and they belonged to Telangana. It may be mentioned here that the Central Government initiatives, instead of ensuring equitable growth and fair development, exacerbated the inequalities. The ancillary industries that developed in and around these major industrial units, exclusively belonged to the settlers and employed migrants. Unwritten rules included co-opting the few educated Telangana administrators and rejecting deserving Telangana applicants . The industrialists continued to exploit Telangana’s land, water, p! ower, labour, and repaid it by exacerbating of poverty and pollution.
After 1947, the Government of India undertook an extensive industrialisation programme all over the country. The establishment of BHEL, ECIL, IDPL, IDL, HMT, etc., form part of this agenda. However, in defiance of the Gentlemen’s Agreement, these industries recruited 90 per cent employees from non-Telangana regions. Of the remaining 10 per cent, the employees were predominantly in the lower order occupational categories like sweepers, watchmen, security guards and they belonged to Telangana. It may be mentioned here that the Central Government initiatives, instead of ensuring equitable growth and fair development, exacerbated the inequalities. The ancillary industries that developed in and around these major industrial units, exclusively belonged to the settlers and employed migrants. Unwritten rules included co-opting the few educated Telangana administrators and rejecting deserving Telangana applicants . The industrialists continued to exploit Telangana’s land, water, p! ower, labour, and repaid it by exacerbating of poverty and pollution.
Private Industries The private industries, predominantly media, pharmaceuticals, cement, granite, food processing, poultry , dairy, steel , fertiliser, education, established in the districts around Hyderabad, have displaced existing agricultural lands, polluting air, land and water with emissions and effluents, creating health hazards for the local residents. They also displaced the traditional industries, which had been a part of Telangana life, rendering them dependent and destitute. The introduction of irrigation had a similar impact of displacement of the local population and rendering them landless.
Land – Ownership Changes and Impact
Industrial growth by, for Coastal Andhra people in Telangana also affected land-use patterns. Lands, both private and government, were allocated for industrial use and housing colonies. Some of these are given in Table l. All of these are owned by non-Telangana people, with non-Telangana employees, Thus while the resources are essentially Telangana’s, the benefits of development are channelled to non-Telangana people. In fact, the Telangana people are subjected to all the negative impacts of the massive industrialisation that took place within Telangana. It is observed in various research reports that the 182 industries emit almost 34,000 tonnes effluents per annum, mostly flowing into the river Musi. The Jeedimetla industrial area alone produces 5.50 crore litres effluents besides 1.5 crore chemical discharge ( Zinc, cadmium, nickel, chromium ). They have proved hazardous to the health of the local population, and in many instances even fatal ( reports of premature ! deliveries, still-born and high infant mortality rates are many).
Industrial growth by, for Coastal Andhra people in Telangana also affected land-use patterns. Lands, both private and government, were allocated for industrial use and housing colonies. Some of these are given in Table l. All of these are owned by non-Telangana people, with non-Telangana employees, Thus while the resources are essentially Telangana’s, the benefits of development are channelled to non-Telangana people. In fact, the Telangana people are subjected to all the negative impacts of the massive industrialisation that took place within Telangana. It is observed in various research reports that the 182 industries emit almost 34,000 tonnes effluents per annum, mostly flowing into the river Musi. The Jeedimetla industrial area alone produces 5.50 crore litres effluents besides 1.5 crore chemical discharge ( Zinc, cadmium, nickel, chromium ). They have proved hazardous to the health of the local population, and in many instances even fatal ( reports of premature ! deliveries, still-born and high infant mortality rates are many).
Table 1
1 Ramoji Film City 2812 acres
2 Sanghi Industries 2842
3 MRF 500
4 Heritage Foods 40
5 Vijay Electricals 150
6 GPR Housing 5600
7 East City 3000
8 Satyam Enclave 2600
9 Choutuppal Housing 2000
10 Kukatpalli Housing Board 1850
11 BHEL Housing 2500
12 Ordnance Factory 1500
13 Public Lands 5384
Source: Survey data
1 Ramoji Film City 2812 acres
2 Sanghi Industries 2842
3 MRF 500
4 Heritage Foods 40
5 Vijay Electricals 150
6 GPR Housing 5600
7 East City 3000
8 Satyam Enclave 2600
9 Choutuppal Housing 2000
10 Kukatpalli Housing Board 1850
11 BHEL Housing 2500
12 Ordnance Factory 1500
13 Public Lands 5384
Source: Survey data
During the last couple of years, with the development of the industries in Coastal Andhra, after linking the industries that are projected to have been incurring losses in Vijayawada ( A.P. Heavy Machinery Ltd.) with the industries in Telangana ( Singareni Collieries Ltd.) large amounts of finances were diverted to sustain them (during 1992 – 1993 annual Rs. 25 crores were diverted to their maintenance). With the linkage of the profits and losses of these industries to Singareni, they are shown in Singareni’s audit, and manipulation of statistics now project Singareni as loss-incurring and APHML as profit making and thus to be sustained. At the same time, in Telangana, the Republic Forge Company, Allwyn, Nizam Sugar Factory, etc., are being closed on grounds of economic non-feasibility. Such actions can only reinforce the development differences and increase the growth disparities between Telangana and non-Telangana areas.
Employment
Development abnormalities exacerbating polarisation effects through concentration of development inputs are also evident in the employment structure that evolved during the post 1960s. The Government’s explicit policies testify to its partisan attitude. An examination of the employment structure of the nationalised banks, the educational institutions, transport sector and industry throw light on this.
Development abnormalities exacerbating polarisation effects through concentration of development inputs are also evident in the employment structure that evolved during the post 1960s. The Government’s explicit policies testify to its partisan attitude. An examination of the employment structure of the nationalised banks, the educational institutions, transport sector and industry throw light on this.
The region-wise distribution of employment in the nationalised banks ( Table 2) of Andhra Pradesh highlight the overwhelming concentration of the employees hailing from Coastal Andhra ( 70 per cent ). The proportions recruited from Telangana , Rayalaseema and non-Andhra Pradesh areas are almost the same. It may be noted that the 11 per cent share of Telangana also includes the second generation settlers in Hyderabad, thus actually displaying a more grim position of Telangana.
Table 2
Employment in Nationalised Banks in Andhra Pradesh – 1996 -1997
Employment in Nationalised Banks in Andhra Pradesh – 1996 -1997
S.No Regions Employment Total Percentage
1 Coastal Andhra 42,000 70
2 Rayalaseema 5,000 9
3 Telangana 7,000 11*
4 Non-A.P. 6,000 10
Total 60,000 100
*includes second generation settlers. Source : Survey Data
1 Coastal Andhra 42,000 70
2 Rayalaseema 5,000 9
3 Telangana 7,000 11*
4 Non-A.P. 6,000 10
Total 60,000 100
*includes second generation settlers. Source : Survey Data
In the Ambedkar Open University, the recruitment pattern is found to be on similar lines. Academic, administrative and technical posts are skewed in favour of Coastal Andhra. Telangana’s shares are 40, 39 and 12 per cent respectively. A greater proportion of them are again settlers. Recruitment in the technical category is particularly inclined toward Coastal Andhra candidates. This pattern is attributed to ‘non-availability of eligible candidates from Telangana’, which is a pretext, since such sectors as transport, which does not really require ‘eligibility’ in that sense of elimination, also subscribes to such trends. Of the 25,000 employees, 65 per cent are from Coastal Andhra, 15 per cent from Rayalaseema and merely 20 per cent from Telangana.
Table 3
Employment in Ambedkar Open University. Hyderabad, 1996 -1997
Employment in Ambedkar Open University. Hyderabad, 1996 -1997
S No. Employment Coastal Andhra Rayalaseema Telangana Total
1 Teaching 23 4 18 45
2 Administrative 15 4 12 31
3 Technical 21 - 3 24
Total 59 8 33 100
Source Fieldwork, 1997
1 Teaching 23 4 18 45
2 Administrative 15 4 12 31
3 Technical 21 - 3 24
Total 59 8 33 100
Source Fieldwork, 1997
Table – 4 Employment structure in APSRTC – 1997
Regions No. of Employees %
Coastal Andhra 16250 65
Rayalaseema 3750 15
Telangana 5000 20
Total 25000 100
Source: Fieldwork, APSRTC, 1997
Coastal Andhra 16250 65
Rayalaseema 3750 15
Telangana 5000 20
Total 25000 100
Source: Fieldwork, APSRTC, 1997
The position in four industries which were studied in depth shows a similar picture. The N.R.B. Bearings Ltd. in Uppal has recruited all the three executives from non-Telangana areas, while of the 70 other staff, only 12 are from Telangana. In the -lower order employment, i.e. casual workers, 38 are locals and 12 are non- locals. Amongst the trainees, all the 15 are non-locals. which reiterates the objective of imparting training to non-locals and projecting them as the only trained candidates later on. Ashok Leyland, a Hinduja Group, has all the four executives from outside. Of the other 197 staff members, a minuscule 39, are from Telangana. -There is found to be a concentration of local workers in the lowest order of workers, with 450 from Telangana, while 150 are from non-Telangana regions. Almost 200 casual workers are also employed by them, where Telangana employees constitute 130 or 65 per cent. Parke Davis displays a more pitiable picture, with the local population! recruited in only lowest order workers category. There too, locals constitute less than 45 per cent.
Table 5 Parke Davis – Employment Structure (1996 – 1997)
S No. Category of Employment Non-Local Local Total
1 Executive Directors 1 - 1
2 Director General 1 1 2
3 General Manager 1 - 1
4 R & D 1 - 1
5 Managers 2 - 2
6 Senior Staff 10 - 10
7 Other Staff 16 - 16
8 Workers 170 150 320
9 Security Officers 3 - 3
10 Security Guards 22 - 22
11 Casual Workers - 150 150
12 Trainees 500 - 500
Source: Field Work Conclusion
1 Executive Directors 1 - 1
2 Director General 1 1 2
3 General Manager 1 - 1
4 R & D 1 - 1
5 Managers 2 - 2
6 Senior Staff 10 - 10
7 Other Staff 16 - 16
8 Workers 170 150 320
9 Security Officers 3 - 3
10 Security Guards 22 - 22
11 Casual Workers - 150 150
12 Trainees 500 - 500
Source: Field Work Conclusion
These developments are similar to the exploitative nature of capitalism characteristic of colonial system of governance. They exploit local resources – human and non-human, displace local people, exported local resources- coal, cement, granite (even milk is purchased from the local farmers and sold at a premium with labels establishing ownership rights.). The required infrastructure, power, communications, to their industry, and agriculture (including forest raw materials and water) are oriented to their growth and development. The industrial development benefits the non-locals whether it is the white or blue collar jobs, or even menial work. The industrial produce too benefited the non-Telangana people. The traditional industrial structure collapsed under the impact of modern industry. The impact on culture, unquantifiable, is immense and evident in the transition from a biryani culture to that of idly-dosa. There has been a massive erosion of local customs and tradition! s and the way of life under the overwhelming onslaught of the multi-faceted migrant culture. The only two predominant religious functions – ‘Pochamma panduga’ and ‘Jammi for Dasara’, besides the ‘Peerlu’ is widely dominated by Rakhis, Ganesh Utsavs, Varalakshmi Vratam, Santoshi Mata pooja etc. What have developed are islands of prosperity in expansive areas of poverty and underdevelopment.
History of Telangana and Separate Telangana movement
Telangana or Telingana is a region in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. The region lies on the Deccan plateau to the west of the Eastern Ghats range, and includes the northwestern interior districts of Warangal, Adilabad, Khammam, Mahbubnagar, Nalgonda, Rangareddi, Karimnagar, Nizamabad, Medak, and the state capital, Hyderabad. The Krishna and Godavari rivers flow through the region from west to east.
Telangana region has been ruled by many great dynasties like Sathavahanas, Chalukyas, Kakatiyas, Mughals, and the Qutubshahis. As the Mughal Empire began to disintegrate in the early 18th century, the Muslim Asafjahi dynasty established a separate state known as Hyderabad. Later Hyderabad entered into a treaty of subsidiary alliance with the British Empire, and was the largest and most populous princely state in India. Telangana never under direct British rule, unlike Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions of Andhra Pradesh, which were part of British India’s Madras Presidency.
Post-independence history
India became independent from the British Empire in 1947. The Muslim Nizam of Hyderabad wanted to retain his independence from India, but his state of Hyderabad was forced to become part of India in 1948 as the Hyderabad State. When India became independent, the Telugu-speaking people (although Urdu is spoken in some parts of Hyderabad and in few other districts of Telangana) were distributed in about 22 districts, 9 of them in the Nizam’s Dominions (Hyderabad state) and 12 in the Madras Presidency and one in French-controlled Yanam. Andhra State was the first state in India that has been formed on a purely linguistic basis by carving it out from Madras Province in 1953. Andhra State was later merged with Telugu speaking area of Hyderabad (Telangana) to create Andhra Pradesh state in 1956. In 1954, Yanam was liberated and it was merged with Pondicherry in 1963.
India became independent from the British Empire in 1947. The Muslim Nizam of Hyderabad wanted to retain his independence from India, but his state of Hyderabad was forced to become part of India in 1948 as the Hyderabad State. When India became independent, the Telugu-speaking people (although Urdu is spoken in some parts of Hyderabad and in few other districts of Telangana) were distributed in about 22 districts, 9 of them in the Nizam’s Dominions (Hyderabad state) and 12 in the Madras Presidency and one in French-controlled Yanam. Andhra State was the first state in India that has been formed on a purely linguistic basis by carving it out from Madras Province in 1953. Andhra State was later merged with Telugu speaking area of Hyderabad (Telangana) to create Andhra Pradesh state in 1956. In 1954, Yanam was liberated and it was merged with Pondicherry in 1963.
Merger of Telangana and Andhra
In December 1953, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru appointed the States Reorganization Commission to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines. This was headed by Justice Fazal Ali and the commission itself was also known as the Fazal Ali Commission. The efforts of this commission was overseen by Govind Ballabh Pant, who served as Home Minister from December 1954. The commission created a report in 1955 recommending the reorganisation of India’s states.
In December 1953, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru appointed the States Reorganization Commission to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines. This was headed by Justice Fazal Ali and the commission itself was also known as the Fazal Ali Commission. The efforts of this commission was overseen by Govind Ballabh Pant, who served as Home Minister from December 1954. The commission created a report in 1955 recommending the reorganisation of India’s states.
The States Reorganization Commission (SRC) was not in favour of merging the Telangana region with the then Andhra state. Para 382 of States Reorganization Commission Report (SRC) said “..opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit, public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself”. The concerns of Telanganas were manifold. The region had a less developed economy than Andhra, but a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which Telanganas feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They also feared that planned dam projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately even though Telanganas controlled the headwaters of the rivers. Telanganas feared too that the people of Andhra would have the advantage in jobs, particularly in government and education. Para 386 of States Reorganization Commission Report (SRC) said “After taking all these factors into consideration we have come to the conclusions that it will be in the interests of Andhra as well as Telangana area is to constitute into a separate State, which may be known as the Hyderabad State with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two thirds majority the legislature of the residency Hyderabad State expresses itself in favor of such unification.”
The central government decided to ignore the SRC recommendations and established unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956. However, a “Gentlemen’s agreement” provided reassurances to the Telangana people.
Separate Telangana movement
In the following years after the formation of Andhra Pradesh state, however, the Telangana people had a number of complaints about how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. Discontent with the 1956 Gentlemen’s agreement intensified in January 1969 when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly swiftly threatened “direct action” in support of the students. This movement also know as Jai Telangana movement led to widespread violence and deaths of hundreds of people and students of this telangana region. Approx. 360 students gave their lives in this movement.
In the following years after the formation of Andhra Pradesh state, however, the Telangana people had a number of complaints about how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. Discontent with the 1956 Gentlemen’s agreement intensified in January 1969 when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly swiftly threatened “direct action” in support of the students. This movement also know as Jai Telangana movement led to widespread violence and deaths of hundreds of people and students of this telangana region. Approx. 360 students gave their lives in this movement.
Although the Congress faced dissension within its ranks, its leadership stood against additional linguistic states, which were regarded as “antinational.” As a result, defectors from the Congress, led by M. Chenna Reddy, founded the Telangana People’s Association (Telangana Praja Samithi). Despite electoral successes, however, some of the new party leaders gave up their agitation in September 1971 and, much to the disgust of many separatists, rejoined the safer political haven of the Congress ranks. (Source: US Library of Congress)
The emotions and forces generated by the movement were not strong enough, however, for a continuing drive for a separate state until 1990s when Bharatiya Janata Party, promised separate Telangana state if they come to power. But BJP could not create separate Telangana state because of the opposition from its coalition partner, Telugu Desam Party. These developments brought new life into separate Telangana movement by year 2000. Congress party MLAs from Telangana region, supported the separate Telangana state and formed a Telangana Congress Legislators Forum. In another development, a new party called Telangana Rashtra Samithi (or TRS) is formed with single agenda of separate Telangana state, with Hyderabad as its capital.
In 2004, for Assembly and Parliament elections, Congress party and TRS had an electoral alliance in Telangana region with the promise of separate Telangana State. Congress came to power in the state and formed coalition government at the centre. TRS joined the coalition government in 2004 and was successful in making Separate Telangana state as part of the common minimum program(CMP) of coalition government. In September 2006 TRS withdrew support for the Congress led coalition government at center on the grounds of indecision by the government over the delivery of its electoral promise to create Telangana.
In December 2006, TRS won the by-election to Karimnagar parliamentary constistuency, which is considered by many as referendum on Telanagana state, with a record margin.
There is lot of pressure on Congress party to create Telangana state in 2008
